Archaeologys – Late Bronze Age Essay

Assess the grounds for cult patterns on Cyprus during the LBA ( Late Bronze Age ) .

There is a assortment of grounds for cult patterns on Cyprus during the LBA although it is frequently hard to construe and scholarly sentiment of the significance or significance of any peculiar piece of grounds may change widely. In absolute footings, the LBA on Cyprus about covers the period from 1650-1050BC, some six hundred old ages, and in comparative footings is divided by Steel into the stages LC ( Late Cypriot ) I-IIIA ( Tatton-Brown 1997, 91 ; Steel 2004, 13 ) . The ulterior stage down to c1050BC, traditionally termed LCIIIB, may be considered a transitional Bronze/Early Iron Age. Such a considerable sum of clip offers considerable range for alteration in spiritual idea and pattern, which may be more or less seeable in the archeological record, and although some material alteration through clip may be discernible, any reading still poses the danger of enforcing a perchance non-existent uniformity on the stuff. A deficiency of any written mentions such as letterings, dedications or other texts to divinities in LBA Cyprus farther complicates affairs ( Tatton-Brown 1997, 62 ) . However, the archeological grounds normally discussed in footings of spiritual or cultic beliefs and patterns in LBA Cyprus seems to fall into several interlinked classs: clay statuettes, architectural remains ( eg of sanctuaries ) and artifacts, such as figurines, imported clayware or bucrania, found in association with those architectural remains. The designation of any peculiar divinities has been fraught with trouble, but several bronze figurines, the most well-known being known as the Ingot God and the Bomford statuette, are frequently thought to stand for Cypriot or sometimes foreign Gods and to demo a nexus between cult and metalworking. This essay shall hence analyze these in bend, concentrating on LCII and LCIIIA in peculiar.

There are assorted types of statuette from LBA Cyprus and as with statuettes from elsewhere, their reading and significance is disputed. Sing the earlier stump and board type human figures, Tatton-Brown ( 1997, 62 ) suggests that whether they were birthrate appeals or goddesses ‘in practical footings their map would hold been the same’ . It is possibly appropriate to bear this in head with the LBA statuettes. Karageorghis ( 2001, 323 ) has noted two types of female symbolism in the spiritual iconography of LBA Cyprus: one type of bare female statuette keeping or back uping her chests foremost appears on Cyprus in the Chalcolithic and continues down to the 6th century BC ( see Tatton-Brown 1997, 49, fig. 49 ) ; another type, thekourotrophos( or boy-feeder ; see Tatton-Brown 1997, 62 fig. 67 for an early plank-shaped kourotrophos ) appeared foremost in the LBA and was besides present in the Aegean every bit good as Cyprus. The former are sometimes known as ‘Astarte’ type figures, after the Syrian goddess. This accent on female features such as chests and genitalias, every bit good as the eating baby or baby in weaponries, is surely implicative of an involvement in birthrate and the feminine facet, frequently thought to be represented by a ‘Great Goddess’ of Cyprus. Although there is no textual grounds sing female divinities from LBA Cyprus, much later 4th century BC dedications at Paphos refer to ‘Wanassa’ – the ‘Lady’ , which seems to be an old rubric known in the LBA Linear B record of mainland Greece ( Tatton-Brown 1997, 63 ) . Greeks knew this goddess as Aphrodite or the Cypriote in the 8th century BC while Cypriots knew her as the Paphian, from the spiritual Centre at Paphos. Whatever the female statuettes represent – and they may non even represent goddesses, it has however been concluded that anthropomorphous clay statuettes ‘are non a typical component of LC cult equipment in LCII or LCIII’ but become popular towards the terminal of the LBA ( Steel 2004, 205, 211 ) . Indeed, it seems that particularly at Enkomi in LCIIIB, in the Sanctuary of the Ingot God, smaller and larger statuettes ( wheel-made with lifted weaponries ) became particularly popular, possibly stand foring believers and divinities. The larger statuettes seem to be related to Cretan illustrations ( Karageorghis 2001, 325 ) . Most of the 120 statuettes were intentionally broken, which may be declarative of alterations in cult pattern at this clip ( Webb 1999, 107 ) .

Anthropomorphic statuettes are non the lone type of statuette that may be related to cult patterns on LBA Cyprus. Another cardinal type may be the bull statuette. Steel ( 2004, 178 ) suggests that ‘most LC cult sanctuaries are equipped with at least a individual terracotta bull figure.’ Hadjisavvas ( 1989 ) describes the probationary designation of two sanctuaries and a family cult country at Alassa-Pano Mandilaris from LCIIC-IIIA, where in sum more than 10 bull statuettes were found on floors ( see Hadjisavvas 1989, 38 fig. 3.6 ) . Evidence of metalworking and a illumination ox-hide metal bar were besides found associated. Since bull statuettes tend to be found on the floors of sanctuaries instead than deposited in cavities (bothroi) or Wellss, Webb suggests they served as cult equipment instead than offerings ( Webb 1999, 219 ) . Bucrania had appeared on clay sanctuary theoretical accounts from the Early Bronze Age attesting to the longstanding significance of the bull in the Cypriot mindscape ( Preziosi and Hitchcock 1999, 202 ) and the LBA figures emphasise the go oning importance of the bull in LCIIIA cult patterns, reflected in the discoveries of cattle castanetss and skulls at sites such as the Sanctuary of the Horned God at Enkomi ( Steel 2004, 205 ) . It may be important that at several sites, including the Sanctuary of the Double Goddess at Enkomi, no bull statuettes were found.

The focal point of communal ceremonial activity seems to hold changed in LCIIA from the extramural graveyards that seemed to rule the ceremony of LCI to sites specific to spiritual activity – sanctuaries, that now appear in the archeological record ( Steel 2004, 175 ) . There are noteworthy illustrations of specialized cult Centres from LCIIA at Myrtou-Pighades, Athienou and possibly Ayios Iakovos-Dhima and in LCIIC-IIIA at the urban Centres of Kition, Enkomi and Palaepaphos ( Steel 2004, 176 ) . As seen above, the spiritual nature of a topographic point may frequently be suggested by the discoveries associated with it, such as bull statuettes or illumination metal bars, saying that they are a specialized gathering distinct from domestic gatherings. Particular architectural characteristics or installings, such as horns of consecration ( a characteristic from the Aegean, peculiarly Crete ) , communion tables and a cult room, may besides be used to place LC sanctuaries. The remains of forfeit, shops cult objects and images and specialised prestigiousness and spiritual objects, such as statuettes, bucrania and imported clayware should besides be declarative of a sanctuary ( Knapp 1996, 75-6 cited in Steel 2004, 175 ) . However, the designation of cult edifices is non ever straightforward since as Webb ( 1999, 11 ) points out ‘there look to be few artifacts or architectural or locational indexs entirely diagnostic of cult activity. Virtually all object types, with the likely exclusion of horns of consecration, are found in domestic and funerary every bit good as seemingly ritual contexts’ and there is a danger of round debate.

Bearing in head the jobs of designation, Webb ( 1999, 157-6 ; 166-88 ) has however suggested a figure of features of LC cult edifices. Such edifices are largely rectangular and separate and integrate an enclosed courtyard ortemenos. They tend to be laid out on an east-west axis and frequently consist two or three units of suites – the hall, sometimes supported by rows of pillars, thecellaoradytonand a anteroom. A scope of internal installings may be present, including: benches, for storage and show ; fireplaces, frequently with burned carnal bone suggestive of forfeit ; stone dais for nutrient and imbibe offerings or the show of votives or cult equipment ; rock platforms or communion tables with horns of consecration, as at Myrtou-Pighades ; terracottalarnakesor bathing tub and cavities orbothroi, for the disposal of dust from forfeits. Besides characteristic of LCII cult topographic points are faunal remains of sheep, caprine animal, cowss and cervid, possibly in the signifier of ash and fire bone, the remains of forfeit and banqueting. The chief map of cult edifices may hold been to house the divinity and any ritual or public assembly may hold made usage of the courtyard ortemenoscountry ( Webb 1999, 162 ) . There may hold been restricted entree to peculiar countries reflecting the specialized function of spiritual officials, as in other antediluvian Near Eastern societies. Keswani ( 1993, 74 ) has commented that what is striking about LC spiritual sites is their diverseness in architectural signifier, which might reason for the being of independent local civil orders. However the relationship between faith and its look in stuff footings, allow entirely the relationship between faith and political relations, is ill-defined and, to utilize an analogy, the similarity of Gothic cathedrals or Christian churches across assorted states does non reflect political integrity. Furthermore, whether the modern scholar’s differentiation between cult edifice and non-cult edifice reflects any peculiar differentiation between sacred and secular that may or may non hold existed in LBA Cyprus is moot.

Turning now to the artifacts that are frequently found in the sanctuaries, Steel ( 2004, 177 ) notes that in contrast to the assortment in architecture, the cult equipment of LCII sanctuaries is reasonably unvarying. Although she remarks that this may propose ‘a certain grade of uniformity of cult patterns and spiritual beliefs’ it should be borne in head that stuff similarities and even similarities of ritual action do non needfully bespeak similarities in spiritual belief – the figure of faiths ancient and modern that utilise, for illustration, ritualised imbibing ( eg Christianity ) , while holding really different sets of beliefs, should warn us of this. That said, the cult equipment is mostly made up of ceramics that suggest certain characteristics of cult pattern. Liquid containers are common discoveries, particularly Base Ring carinated cups which may hold been used for wine ingestion during banqueting, for pouring libations or both ( Steel 2004, 177 ) . The clayware in these contexts is normally all right Cypriot ware with some Mycenaean imports, chiefly in the signifier of kraters, likely for blending vino. Some Mycenaeanrhyta, frequently conelike vass used for pouring libations, have been found, for illustration at Myrtou-Pighades and Kition ( see Preziosi and Hitchcock 1999, 201 fig. 134 ) and a locally made imitation in tusk was found at Athienou, although they may non hold been to the full incorporated into Cypriot ritual ( Steel 2004, 178 ) . Other vass such as Mycenanaeancylixsmay hold been used for libation ceremonials. The ceramic focal point on imbibing seems reminiscent of the mainland Greek LBA castle of Pylos, with its storage rooms full of imbibing cups. Another shared characteristic is the pattern of utilizing illumination votives, either ceramics or metal bars, such as at Alassa-Pano Mandilaris ( Hadjisavvas 1989, 38 ) . Apart from ceramics, Steel ( 2004, 178 ) besides mentions the presence of objects that may hold been used in divination: incised ox-scapulae, astragalis and worked shells, and other valuable points such as faience, tusk, glass, alabaster, bronzes and sealstones, which may hold been involved in competitory show, at least on the urban sanctuaries.

Three of the most celebrated and puzzling bronze discoveries, possibly stand foring divinities, are the Ingot God from Enkomi, the unprovenanced Bomford figurine and the Horned God from Enkomi, all of which would look to belong to LCIIIA ( Carless Hulin 1989 ; Steel 2004, 180, 205 & A ; plate 25 ) . The Ingot God is a warrior with a horned helmet, keeping a little unit of ammunition shield and lance. He appears to be standing on a characteristically molded bronze ox-hide metal bar. The Bomford figurine resembles an ‘Astarte’ statuette but besides seems to stand upon an metal bar. Many readings have been offered, including suggestions that the Ingot God is a Babylonian or Levantine God ( Nergal ) or the Grecian smith-god Hephaistos ; others have linked it with Syria-Palestine or the Aegean ( Carless Hulin 1989, 127 ) . The Bomford statuette, reckoned to be a local Cypriot goddess, has been assumed to be the consort of the Ingot God, since it besides stands on an metal bar, and therefore Carless Hulin ( 1989, 127 ) has suggested that its designation must be seen in visible radiation of that figure. While these two figures have posed important jobs in reading and in peculiar beginnings as deduced from manner have been a major concern of those analyzing them, they do look to demo a connexion between faith and metalwork ( Steel 2004, 180 ) . This is non wholly surprising since such a nexus is suggested by the illumination metal bars from cult countries mentioned above at Alassa-Pano Mandilaris or those from Enkomi, some with letterings. Further representations of metal bars have been noted that seem to demo them in a ritualised sense – Internet Explorer being carried in a emanation ( unless this is mere transit or burden ) , on sealstones, and in combination with human figures, trees and bucrania, the association of which would look to bespeak ritual significance ( Knapp 1986, 37 ) . Another nexus between faith and metalwork is shown by the physical propinquity of cult and metalworking countries. This was the instance at Alassa-Pano Mandilaris ( Hadjisavvas 1989, 41 ) and can be seen clearly at Kition-Kathari ( see Steel 2004, 179 fig. 6.13 ) every bit good as many other sites. Hadjisavvas ( 1989, 41 ) concluded that there was a relationship between elite control ( priesthood/priest-king ) of trade production and trade in Cu and other trade goods and between cult and metalworking. As with imbibing, the relationship seems reminiscent of that of Pylos as a specialized production Centre with close links between production, storage and religious/political authorization.

The Horned God has besides been classed as a warrior God ( Steel 2004, 205 ) , though it does non possess the military accessories ( the lance and shield ) of the Ingot God. The impractically horned helmet may in fact be claiming or stand foring some facet of the bull deity in human facet. The sanctuary of the Horned God at Enkomi in fact revealed cattle castanetss, skulls and perchance hints of an Aegean bull’s caputrhytonthat might be taken as back uping this speculation. Although these three bronze figures are normally referred to as Gods, the job of reading nonetheless remains. Make the statues represent divinities and were they venerated? Are they votives or replacements for believers or persons? Possibly they were merely points of cult equipment used in ceremonials, possibly revealed during ceremonials of godly visual aspect or the passage of myths. Their deposition seems to propose calculated closing ceremonials ( Steel 2004, 206 ) , proposing that these rites and figurines are tied to specific times in LBA Cyprus and presumptively responded to specific societal demands. Thus it is possibly unwise to pull period broad generalizations from such grounds.

Another type of grounds looking in LCIII that should be mentioned briefly is the terracotta masks from the urban sanctuaries of Enkomi and Kition ( Steel 2004, 204 ) . These have been divided into anthropomorphous and diabolic types, both of which are somewhat less than big life size. Some have hints of pigment and eight of the anthropomorphous masks show a barbate male with cut-out eyes and a closed oral cavity. The diabolic faces are profoundly grooved. The masks have been interpreted as ritual objects worn during rites of transition from childhood to adulthood – the diabolic masks stand foring the wild province of childhood and as masks used in fabulous re-enactments connected to metalworking ( Steel 2004, 205 ) .

This essay has attempted to sketch and measure the grounds for cult pattern in LBA Cyprus. Inevitably non all of the grounds has been mentioned here but it is hoped that sensible coverage has been given to the chief points. It has shown that while there is much grounds linked to cult in the LBA, such as statuettes, sanctuaries and specialized artifacts, their reading is frequently debatable. Even when it is reasonably certain that points may hold been involved in cult in one manner or another, any more specific remark is frequently impossible, even when make up one’s minding if a figurine represent a deity. It has besides been demonstrated that to associate assortment in architectural signifier to any reading of the political geographics of LBA Cyprus may be debatable, since the wider relationships between stuff and non-material remain vague. Furthermore, the essay examined the significance of several bronze figurines, normally taken to be deities, and the jobs in their reading every bit good as the novel terracotta masks that appear in LCIII. On the other manus, it has been shown that at that place seems to hold been lively spiritual activity on LBA Cyprus that involved imbibing and banqueting utilizing peculiar ceramics and in peculiar topographic points, the pouring of libations and forfeit of animate beings, every bit good as the deposition of valuable points. There seems to hold been a peculiar fear for bulls and their imagination every bit good as the female facet represented by statuettes and the Bomford figurine, every bit good as a important nexus between metalworking and faith, as demonstrated by both the propinquity of cult and metalworking countries and the presence of illumination metal bars. Another of import facet of LBA Cypriot faith seems to be the willingness to integrate characteristics from outside Cyprus, the Cretan horns of consecration, for illustration,rhyta, Mycenaean cups, kraters and the similar and the ability of Cypriot faith to alter over clip.

Mentions
Carless Hulin, L. 1989. The designation of Cypriot cult figures through cross-cultural comparing: some jobs. In Peltenburg, E. ( ed. ) 1989.Early Society in Cyprus.Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, pp127-39.
Hadjisavvas, S. 1989. A Late Cypriot Community at Alassa. In Peltenburg, E. ( ed. ) 1989.Early Society in Cyprus.Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, pp32-42.
Karageorghis, V. 2001. The Great Goddess of Cyprus Between the Aegeans and the ‘Etrocypriots’ . In Laffineur, R. and Hagg, R. ( explosive detection systems. ) 2001.POTNIA. Deities and Religion in the Aegean Bronze Age Aegaeum 22. Goteborg: Goteborg University pp323-27.
Keswani, P.S. 1993. Models of Local Exchange in Late Bronze Age Cyprus.BASOR292: 73-83.
Knapp, A.B. 1986.Copper Production and Divine Protection: Archaeology, Ideology and Social Complexity on Bronze Age Cyprus. SIMA Pocketbook 42. Goteborg: Paul Astroms Forlag.
Preziosi, D. and Hitchcock, L.A. 1999.Aegean Art and Architecture. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Steel, L. 2004.Cyprus Before History. From the Earliest Settlers to the End of the Bronze Age.London: Duckworth.
Tatton-Brown, V. 1997.Ancient Cyprus. ( 2nd edition ) London: British Museum Press.
Webb, J.M. 1999.Ritual Architecture, Iconography and Practice in the Late Cypriot Bronze Age. Jonsered: Paul Astroms Forlag.